Saturday, March 4, 2017

The Tribal Undertones Aren't So Subtle Anymore

“You can’t have an understanding with a man like that [Jawara]. He never means anything he says. He’s a liar. He’s a rascal – low born and low bred. You see, the PPP are all Mandinka people, and Mandinkas only understand money, meat and groundnuts. They are all lazy. Character and honor is meaningless to them.” This was P.S N’jie going on the record for a foreign journalist; Berkeley Rice to share his thoughts on the short-lived political “understanding” between his UP party and the PPP.

See, we have been here before, somehow in the midst of political disagreements tribe has a role to play and it’s always the Mandinkas that are to blame. Aside from the fact that an aspiring candidate for the presidency could hold such unsavory and bigoted views about a majority of the constituents he’s vying to lead, being so naïve as to lay at the feet of a western journalist that our post independent nation will crack along tribal lines was the perfect answer for his quest of proving that The Gambia was an improbable nation.

You can try to defend P.S N’jie as much as possible, or try to infer a different meaning from the above statement, but utter them he did! Either to gain a favored view from the colonial administration or position himself as the most honorable candidate can only be speculated upon, but his contempt for the Mandinkas was safe to share with a foreign journalist, or so he thought.

It could also be argued that his contemptuous view of the Mandinkas, who are mainly provincial, was reason enough for him to be okay with the status quo and not advocate for the extension of the franchise to the rest of The Gambia beyond what was termed the colony. The British thought of the Africans as lesser beings and so should lord over them as subjects. Limiting the franchise to the colony area was to perpetuate the colonial mindset and offset any resistance by creating the illusion of participatory democracy, where the privileged few like N’jie will not see the institution as being the bad omen that it was. This omen will be undone by the emergence on to the political scene of the Protectorate People’s Party.

An amalgamation of provincial natives who refused to yield to the status quo, advocated for the inclusion of all in the political process. This means extending the franchise to their provincial relatives who had hitherto been neglected and alienated from the political process of their homeland. A condition that was okay with the political elite of the colony area. The sustained and far reaching campaign for universal suffrage introduced Sir Dawda K. Jawara and the PPP to the sidelined Gambians who would embrace him and the party wholeheartedly and remain loyal for decades. This obviously put them at an unmatched advantage over the rest of the players and so their names and personalities won no favors.

Fast forward to the second republic; with no political experience or education for that matter, Yahya Jammeh knew from the onset that when the political space opened up, he stood little to no chance against the seasoned politicians from both the ruling and opposition parties of the first republic. With the potential of absolute power and a desire for wealth dangling before him, nothing was about to get in the way of his ambition and so he outlawed the participation of all political players from the first republic except the PDOIS duo in the political process that was due to start in 1996. This move disenfranchised and alienated all party supporters and sympathizers of the PPP, NCP and GPP; history on replay yet again. With their leaders barred from political participation and coupled with dormant structures, the parties were effectively dead leaving behind supporters with no one to turn to.
Lawyer Ousainou Darboe emerged on the political scene to fill a vacuum. His emergence would rally the supporters and sympathizers of these parties around him giving birth to the United Democratic Party. The UDP gave the people another choice besides the military junta. The party emerged from non-existence to pose the greatest threat to Yahya’s schemes. From that day on attempts to kill off the party were set in motion.

The lifting of the ban on the previously banned parties at subsequent elections was a move aimed at exploiting old loyalties in order to fragment the UDP to no avail. Intimidations, assault, jail terms, killings and disappearances all failed to dislodge the party. The people have proven, yet again that loyalty can be bought with care and consideration. When all else failed, claims of tribal motivation for the formation of the UDP emerged and had only been gaining momentum ever since. These accusations of tribal bigotry was for no otherr reason than to put the Mandinkas on the defensive and leave them with only one option; show your lack of tribal bias by denouncing the UDP in favor of another party, preferably the junta.

The narrative has not changed much from over fifty years ago. How a difference in approach and political ideology could warrant implications of tribal affiliations is beyond the comprehension of most.

Lawyer Ousainou Darboe, a man who gave it his all to see the restoration of democracy in The Gambia is suddenly the villain just because his party has a different view of things and wants to approach the next phase of our democracy in a manner not in conformity with what Halifa Sallah prefers?

Gambians, especially those with platforms need to move away from politics of personalities and be issue centered. There is no doubt, both Darboe and Halifa mean well for The Gambia, but because Darboe has a different approach means he deserves vilification, and by extension his tribe? How does one reconcile that? Actions, they say speak louder than words. Calling for ‘no tribalism’ whilst every statement and analysis on air is rife with veiled anti-Mandinka rhetoric is evidence to the contrary.

As much respect as Halifa deserves, unreservedly; he should not be sanctified as being beyond having the wrong approach. In a democratic space, criticism and differences of opinion is not tantamount to disrespect. An alternative view is always worth looking into for its merits and de-merits before being adopted or cast aside. It is safe to say, that Halifa coming out at the time he did and casting the UDP and NRP position in seemingly bad light before all the options are fully explored to a conclusive end,  has effectively poisoned the well putting those two parties on the defensive, that is wrong. And now the surrogates feel the need to attack, vilify, and insult the person of Ousainou Darboe for daring to hold a different view, where is the democracy we call to? And if we are being fair, why does Hamat Bah’s name and tribe not surface in the shouting matches and insults? It’s not as if the NRP is a drag along party of the UDP.

We can list all the sacrifices Halifa and the PDOIS made to help us to this point and it will be a long list. The same is true for Darboe and the UDP, so this is not a contest of who gave up more. But lest we forget, until his release from prison, the UDP had a leadership vacuum when Adama Barrow yielded to popular demand and resigned as party head of the UDP to run as an independent candidate to head the coalition. The UDP yielded away from their party led position, sacrificed a vacuum in the leadership of the party to see us through. The least we can do is to give them a chance to lay out their approach for contesting the National assembly elections and judge their position on its merits. That is what mature political discourse requires.

Let us use caution lest we create a political culture and a nation divided along ethnic lines in a manifestation of self-fulfilling prophecy. The Mandinka loyalty lie with The Gambia, if the only way to proof that is by embracing a non-Mandinka then we are asking for trouble. The veiled tribal bigotry and tribal undertones need to cease.


Wednesday, March 1, 2017

The People Will Resist ‘Democracy’

If we lose sight of, or fail to deeply reflect on the evolution of politics and governance systems in Africa, we only create room for replacing one authoritarian leader with another.

As long as we cite western value systems as models in our quest to strengthen democracy, the people will resist that encroachment on their values.

As long as we keep repeating the colonial narrative as to what governance means, the people will resist.

Africa before the coming of the European invaders was a society with institutions, value systems, and organized governance systems. Despite their claims of ‘civilizing the savages’ with the introduction of Christianity and opening avenues for the salvation of the ‘savages’ through the acceptance of Christ, the fact is that colonialism is exploitative in every aspect.

For it to survive, it has to be exploitative and oppressive because man by nature does not willingly submit his sovereignty to another. Economic exploitation, physical oppression, mental subjugation, and false indoctrination were the pillars upon which colonialism was built and sustained. Existing social and political institutions had to be dismantled to give way to the new system of exploitation. This of course was met with resistance of all forms from its inception to its demise in the so-called declaration of independence of the various states. But a few centuries of systematic and institutionalized exploitation leave in its wake visible scars and new realities.

In the mindset of the colonizer, the colonized is inferior both in intellect and human capacity and so belongs in subjugation. Out of that sense of entitlement and patronage enforced by oppression was borne the ‘democratic’ culture that we celebrate today; a democratic culture that has not progressed much beyond entrenched dictators and corrupt public servants for the past half century. Little wonder oppression and tyranny is the norm in Africa, a method inherited from the invaders further strengthened with new methods.

That sense of white supremacy is what made the colonizers feel entitled to impose their value systems on the African territories they invaded. That value system, which thrived on exploitation, oppression and individualism, is what the Africans rose up against and resisted; not democracy in the true sense of the word. Consider for one moment if all ‘citizens’ of the colonial territory were treated equal as it obtained in the home country of the colonizers? If that was not the case, and if what they had back home was democracy, then what was it that they have us inherit and push us to strengthen?
One can only wonder whether any of our so-called democratic proponents even take a moment to reflect on what systems were in Africa before the Europeans dismantled them. Do we study how democratic they were, or how efficient they were? We do not need a trip back into history to uncover what governance system was in place and how efficient it was. All one needs to do is look at a typical African village and the way it is set up. The only surviving traditional institution in many respects, is a replica of what used to obtain in the days of yore.

Anyone familiar with the roles of the Alkalo and the system of administration at the village level will tell you it is democratic. Why is it that we cannot extend that to the national level and govern based on our values and beliefs? The fact that the Africans believe in their systems and refuse the see the need to replace them is enough to inspire resistance. Democracy that reflects our unique realities and values is the only solution to Africa’s governance struggles, nothing else will work. Europe and the West are hundreds of years ahead of us in terms of where they are in their democratic process. If we want to be at par with them in that regard without building the needed foundations of knowledge and experience, we will fail miserably. Making use of existing systems and norms and reforming them gradually to suit our realities and goals is a prerequisite to building a sustainable and progressive democratic culture.


It is true that no system is perfect, but denouncing it all together for one wrinkle here or there is a disservice to all concerned. And until we take a pause and look within, we will continue churning out the same tyrannical leaders and corrupt public officials who care nothing for the welfare of the people and everything about their personal gains and status.

Monday, February 20, 2017

Do Not Commit Political Suicide Before You Launch

After delivering them from the Pharaoh and his tyrannical ways, the Israelites started questioning Moses immediately, even doubting his claims. Both versions of the narrative from the Islamic and Christian perspective, spoke of the defiance and resistance Moses had to contend with from the Israelites. Maybe they were on edge or nervous about surrendering their new found freedom to a new ‘leader’. Whatever the reason, what this points to is the tendency of people to show ingratitude and our impatient nature.

Fast forward to our Gambian situation today; certain segments of Gambians society have taken it upon themselves to not only question the motives of the new administration, but make it a point of duty to cry foul about any and everything emanating from the leadership with hardly any single word of commendation for their show of mature leadership displayed during the most tense political period in Gambian history. They have been accused of being weak, not up to the task, or simply incompetent. Doubt from the get go.

These condemnations starting just within weeks of an election victory that uprooted two decades of tyranny and authoritarian rule. During which period not a single word of condemnation emanated from that segment now claiming the spotlight of vanguards against tyranny; with the exception of a handful. Maybe the guilt of the silence of that period is compelling some to speak up now. Whatever the reason, the claim of holding government accountable or expressing one’s opinion is not a valid one simply because the new administration has not promised anything we did not agree with on the campaign trail. Secondly, they have not started work in earnest for anyone to observe that they are deviating from the promises made; and finally, assuming that they will bring back the old ways, will not reform much, or will seek to entrench themselves in power is all speculation and conjecture with no basis to argue on.

There is nothing wrong with questioning those entrusted with authority, in fact that is encouraged to hold them accountable. Questions get answers as a response. Attacks are responded to with defense mechanisms. On the other hand, if all of one's preoccupation is to condemn, attack, and criticize, over time your voice drowns itself and whatever positive contribution you have to make struggles to find an audience thereby depriving the nation of a perspective perhaps only you can offer.

The desire to transform The Gambia into a democratic country, one governed by the rule of law and equal treatment of all citizens has brought to the political scene energetic young minds determined to realize that dream sooner rather than later, and rightly so. Their agenda to see rapid transformations in the political and governance sphere is understandable and commendable.

Being subject to two decades of tyranny and authoritarian rule (a lifetime for most of the young activists) can only inspire aggressive pursuits with a sense of urgency to restore democratic governance. Now that the battle has been won, what is needed is a cooling down of the tempo and to give the newly entrusted leadership a chance to implement the promises made. This is in no way calling for the guard to be let down in preserving the democratic ideals won.

The Gambia, and indeed Africa is in need of fresh ideas, policy, and new visions to progress into the 21st century and stand on a somewhat equal footing with nations around the world. That fact is indisputable; the strategy employed may be the bone of contention.

What should not be lost on us is that for far too long, people’s creative minds and political awareness has been confounded by tyranny and authoritarian rule. They are not to blame for their lack of understanding of the strength of their power over that of the state. They will move with caution in their dealings with the state and any representative of state power, which could be an effect of the trauma they had to endure under tyranny.

As informed citizens, with access to information beyond what is sieved out of the state controlled media, we owe it to them and to ourselves that we slow down to their pace and move with them into that enlightened space. After all, it is an African saying that if you want to fast, go alone; but if you want to far, go together. One should not be naïve as to measure the political atmosphere based on the discourse amongst the politically informed or those expressed on social media. The largest constituency of voters does not share the same platform and they do not share the same ideologies; they ultimately decide who gets into public office.

Discounting them as irrelevant or believing that they will go along with whatever the ‘informed urbanites’ throw at them will be a fatal mistake for anyone with political aspirations. The seasoned politicians are aware of this fact and exploit it to the fullest. These are the ones being labelled as old, lacking in new visions, and being asked to step aside and give way to the youth.


Until such time that the entire citizenry is informed enough about politics and political culture, it will be prudent for any young aspiring politician to borrow a leaf or two from their book. Get close to them, watch them closely, learn from them and enhance your political strategy. They may not get everything right, none of us do, but learning from other people’s mistakes and making amends is what makes us human. The people flock to them for a reason. They have political capital.

Sunday, February 5, 2017

Securing Gambian Citizenship

As we just emerged out of the election cycle with claims of ‘migrant voters’ ferried in to boost the vote count for the outgoing president, one glaring fact emerges. Aside from the abuse of office and betrayal of trust, Gambian citizenship is open to abuse very easily. Hon. Halifa Sallah addressed the issue numerous times before and it is worth addressing it as a priority. How easy is it to acquire a Gambian legal document?

Very easy indeed, this is not an attempt to build walls between us and our African brothers and sisters, of course they are welcome to live and work in The Gambia if they so choose to. But in a volatile world like the one we live in, abusing one’s national documents can have disastrous consequences; that’s on the global stage, it gets worse at the local level. Who gets what benefits from tax payers? Who claims what privileges from being a citizen? Who decides the country’s future? Etc. are all questions that need looking into as citizenship grants many privileges. We are witness to how immigration policy affects national policy decisions and makes or breaks politicians around the world.

The current case of all illegally acquired documents can be reviewed and determinations made as to the fates of the holders of such documents, it will be expensive and time consuming, but it can wait. At least until such time that a renewal is needed and then a thorough vetting can be done. What will be cost effective (almost cost free) will be to put up a system forthwith that will address this issue henceforth.

The traditional institutions of local governance can be utilized to this effect.  In every community in The Gambia, when there is a birth or death, the local Imam or Pastor is made aware as well as the Alkalo of that community or their representatives, a system of records could be set up whereby these authority figures will keep track of every life birth or death in their community. This record would be collected at regular intervals by the census bureau and the immigration department as well as all relevant government institutions and entered into the national database. All vital information relevant to every case should be entered at the time of the record and a provision be made requiring the issuance of a birth certificate within the first few weeks of delivery of any child, and a certificate of death in the case of a bereavement, linking that data to a numbering system assigning every citizen a Social Security or TIN number.

The Alkalo, the Imam/Priest, the local Councilor, and a medical service appointee (attending midwife/nurse) will all sign this record to verify its authenticity. Information such as the name of the child, the date on which he or she was born, the name of the parents and their citizenship status (develop a citizenship code for the various forms of legal citizenship; birth, naturalization, marriage, descent etc.) All other relevant medical information can be collected at the health center/medical facility where a second set of records will be kept.

Having put in place the requirement for various signatories as attestions, no names will make the list unless absolutely verified. Once all these layers of security are put in place before the issuance of a birth certificate, it should then be made a required document to present for the acquisition of any other national document. Any citizen that presents a birth certificate to request any other national document should be granted that request automatically. This will be because the birth certificate will be rendered the most authentic national document; the acquisition of which will dispel any doubts as to citizenship status. The immigration department will be responsible for all other forms of regulating and granting citizenship of any other form.

All Alkalolu should be trained and certified as notaries for the state.  This will ensure that in the event of a lost document, the Alkalo can bring forth his copy of that document, make a duplicate and certify it as authentic.

The Alkalo, the local mosque or church as well as the local/nearest health center or hospital will all have a copy of this certificate with the same corresponding serial numbers (assigned by region) in case verification is needed in the future or a replacement.This information could gradually be loaded into a digitized database at such a time that it is feasible, affordable, and can be hack-proof. So many issues could easily be resolved with such a database such as:


  • Ease of census; with raw data collected on the spot as it occurs, the census bureau will have a much easier job collecting relevant census data by comparing the book recording births and that recording deaths within a specified period of time.


  • Voter registration; The IEC can make use of that data to know the number of eligible voters at any given election cycle and even make projections as to the number of citizens who will attain voting age eighteen years ahead. The need for voter registration and issuance of voters’ cards will be done away with once the system is rendered fraud proof. All that will be needed will be some form of nationally issued identification document to cast a token at an election. A mailing system can be introduced to collect voter information that may be election specific which means a functioning postal system.
  • Expected school enrolments every academic year; this number can be easily tabulated to determine the resource capacity of each school for proper planning. The student/teacher ratio, classroom capacity and other logistics can be planned ahead when this raw data is available. So much information can be easily accessed for effective public policy decisions and social service delivery.


  • A citizen’s profile; where a file could be easily made available to the local police unit and records inserted as they occur. This will help the person, as well as all agencies that require police reports as background checks…these are currently cooked up.
NB: the mosques and churches as well as the Alkalo should all house offices for record keeping. What sermon was delivered on what day, what occasion, by which Imam/Pastor (biography needed), who was married in that mosque/church to whom and on what date etc. these institutions should go beyond their traditional limitations and adjust to modern realities. A lot of our history is obscure because of poor record keeping, we can start now and a century or millennia from now, our progeny will be able to trace history back to us and build an accurate family tree. These historical records can be preserved in the best ways experts deem suitable. And the good news is that once this system is instituted, it will be entirely cost free as all these institutions already exist, they just need to be functioning.

Friday, January 27, 2017

The Culmination Of Yahya Jammeh's Schemes - A Defeated Tyrant And A Nation United

Seeing the multitude of Gambians that thronged the streets; old and young, men and women, all visibly elated at the return of President Adama Barrow’s from Senegal is further testament to the relief the Gambians felt at seeing Yahya Jammeh’s back.  Just as it obtained during the campaign season leading up the elections of December 1st 2016; Barrow out and about sees the largest convergence of Gambians for one cause. At first it was HOPE, now it is hope laced with CERTAINTY; certainty that they will finally live in peace and have the peace of mind that two decades of tyranny denied them. The welcoming crowd was arguably the largest ever recorded in recent Gambian political history. Onlookers and reporters alike were amazed at how much Adama Barrow means for The Gambia. The degree of love, hope, and expectations directed at him can only be matched by the love and support shown him by the average man, woman, and child. Watching from afar, one cannot help but be emotional and wish to have been there to be witness to history.

Adama Barrow; the unity candidate indeed has the support of a unified nation behind him. A nation, that up to his ascendance was divided and was growing further apart through the schemes of Yahya Jammeh.

Yahya’s politics has always been divisive on every front imaginable; political ideology, region, faith/religion, and most devastatingly; ethnic. Yahya drove a wedge between some hardliners in his Jola ethnic group especially and the rest of the Gambia, but more so between those blind tribal loyalists and the Mandinka that he openly branded as his enemies and enemies on to the other tribes as well. In fact his politics was everyone against the Mandinka ethnic group; a group that constitute over 40% of the Gambian population. Every opponent of substance that Yahya faced emerged from the Mandinka tribe, beyond that, Yahya dabbled in the oracle and strongly believes in ancient African religions. It is claimed that the oracle prophesized that his successor would be from the Mandinka tribe and understandably so since they are the largest constituency in the country and are active in politics and seeking political office.

The Gambian people never attached so much importance to their ethnic groupings or tribe that they’d shun others. The relationships have always been cordial and mutually respectful. In fact, between the tribes of the Gambia, there exist joking relations, akin to the Dozens where sentiments expressed are taken jokingly to promote social cohesion. Inter-marriage was prevalent and as a result, every single Gambian has some familial relationship to at least one other tribe. But to Yahya, there was too much political capital to let pass, and for a novice like him in politics, anything goes since force will not always work. He has effectively driven a wedge between sections of his native Jola and the Mandinka especially just for personal gains.

But the Gambian people are better than that and they rose above it overwhelmingly, even his kinsmen rejected his stance. Fear of reprisals kept some at his side and unfortunately, he convinced others among his kinsmen that it’s them against everyone else.

Every major security outfit has a Jola as its head or second in command. The army, the Republican Guards, National Intelligence Agency, the Prison Services, and a host of other government departments and parastatals are all headed by his kinsmen. Qualified and competent individuals are sidelined, especially if they are Mandinka. With such divisiveness being strengthened, especially in public where he, as a sitting president verbally attacks and threatens the Mandinka with extermination, the nation rose in unity and repelled such poisonous utterances and alien philosophy. What emerged was a true representation of Gambian diversity, a prove of Gambian brotherhood as attested to in the national anthem; … And Join Our Diverse People To Prove Man’s Brotherhood... Born to a Fula mother, a Mandinka father, with Sarahule ancestry and Wolof upbringing, Adama Barrow is the convergence of The Gambia in one man and he will deliver The Gambia from the oppressive and divisive rule of Yahya Jammeh.

When Adama Barrow emerged on the political scene by stepping into the leadership fold of the United Democratic Party (UDP) after Lawyer Ousainou Darboe and the rest of the executive were jailed, Yahya knew that he faces a challenge that he has never faced in his two decades of tyranny. So close to the election, so unexpected, and with so much angst about recent events; he was at a loss as to how to contain this new threat. Adama Barrow was hardly known outside of the executive circle of the UDP and he was a man Yahya never saw coming. With his emergence, ordinary citizens and politicians alike saw an opportunity to, in a way, return the favor to Lawyer Ousainou Darboe for his years of sacrifice and to declare Solo Sandeng, without any ambiguity; a martyr for The Gambian cause whose death would not be in vain. It would never be business as usual for Yahya and the APRC. And so it was that a revolution was born. Here is a movement that will send a tyrant scampering and frantically looking for life lines to no avail; a movement that in the end sent him into exile to live under another dictatorship in Equatorial Guinea.

Gambians reclaimed their country for good. The sub-region, the continent of Africa, and the world stand with the Gambians to see their mandate upheld. With Adama Barrow and the coalition, A NEW GAMBIA IS BORN.
A democratic Gambia;
A unified Gambia;
A Gambia of sovereign citizens;
A politically aware Gambia, and with its birth, the emergence on the political scene of a generation of young, energetic, determined, fearless, ambitious and informed youth who will not be silenced, EVER AGAIN.

FORWARD EVER, BACKWARD NEVER.

God speed, and may the Divine guide you and your team to a more prosperous and tolerant Gambia.

Welcome home Mr. President.


Tuesday, January 17, 2017

Yahya Jammeh’s Schemes To Cling Unto Power And His Downfall

Earning the people’s trust was a critical component of setting the stage for Yahya’s takeover of everything Gambian. How did he do that? Yahya Jammeh capitalized on our highly held Gambian values to serve his needs and then turned them on their heads. He will use our religion and religious leaders, use our elders and community leaders, our griots and their customs, sports, farming, traditional beliefs; everything Gambian had to go to work for Yahya Jammeh, literally.

With his goals set in his mind from the onset, he plotted against an entire nation whose trust he earned and set about to use it against them. In order to stave off any challengers come election time when the transition ends, he filled the Gambian airwaves with unfounded claims of how corrupt the officials of the former government were, how they never meant well for anyone but themselves and their families, dragged them in front of commissions with claims of making them accountable for all their past mal-administration. The stage was set for ridiculing our elders and we entertained it. We will play witness to many more similar cases throughout the next 22 years. Elders in Gambian society are held in very high esteem, almost to the point of reverence, but with Yahya Jammeh, this value will be cast aside for his selfish interest. Embarrassing an elder in public is worse than death and to avoid such embarrassment, a great majority of them will hold their opinions to themselves, and the few that get put in the spotlight will side with him on whatever stance he takes, granted there were those whose personal ambitions and coveting for favors will seek them through sycophancy and cuddling up to Yahya out of their own will.

Every time he mounted the podium, Yahya will not fail to call out the former government officials for all the ills of the country and their immense failures in delivering to the Gambian people. Thirty years of thievery as he would put it was meaningless and that Gambia became truly independent on July 22nd 1994. Over the years, 18th February will be stripped of all meaning except for being a public holiday, this was the day in 1965 when The Gambia became independent from British rule, to Yahya both the first republic and the colonial administration were the same, only difference was that the British were worse. Despite the historical inaccuracies, he’d claim that the British, who ruled The Gambia for “over four hundred years”, plundered our resources and left nothing for Gambians but two hospitals and two high schools.

The character assassinations of former public servants, the tough talking against imperialism, and the promise of a modern city state within a few years were all aimed at selling himself to the people; he was the ‘savior’ the nation had been waiting for. In the process, he branded himself a pan African for a larger African audience, which is why he dresses in the manner he does.

But with the already stated promise of going back to the barracks hanging over his head and the old guard politicians waiting to make a comeback since the commissions of inquiry didn’t find a great majority of them culpable for any embezzlement, the strongman persona and pan African branding was not going to suffice. His next move had to be staged in order to not be caught in a lie. 

In came the elders to ‘plead’ with him to resign from the army and contest the upcoming elections as a civilian on account of the numerous development projects he accomplished in a short time of two years. Groups flocked to State House on an almost weekly basis all pleading for the same cause and sure enough, GRTS was on hand to make sure the citizens heard and saw it all. Of course now we know it was all staged thanks to some politically shrewd allies out for their own gains. Prior to the staging of these calls for him to resign, he had to clean the space and make it receptive to his candidature.

With no political experience, or education for that matter, he knew from the onset that when the political space opened up, he stood little to no chance against the seasoned politicians from both the ruling and opposition parties of the first republic. And so he outlawed their participation in the political process that was due to take place in 1996, after the mandated transition period. The political space was open to all except a targeted few, who we now know posed the real threats against whom he stood no chance against.

He targeted anyone who ever held a Presidential or Prime Ministerial position in the first republic (Jawara) was unqualified. Anyone who ever held a Vice Presidential position in the first republic (S.M. Dibba, A.M. Camara, B.B. Darbo) was unqualified. Anyone who ever held a ministerial position in the first republic (which was a parliamentary system, meaning Ministers can serve as parliamentarians as well), was unqualified. Every son and daughter of the Gambia who was known in the political space at a national level was suddenly unqualified except two (Halifa Sallah and Sidia Jatta). Overtures were made to the PDOIS leaders to serve in the cabinet of the junta after much praise was showered on them in the public space in those two years leading up to 1996. But principled as they are, and constitutional politicians that they are, the junta was no place for a republican, they turned down all offers and so they earned the wrath of the council.

One cannot help but wonder, if the tempo in the country was such that Yahya was guaranteed victory at the elections for the numerous 'developments' he accomplished, why ban all who fall in the above category? Truth is they were seasoned politicians, they were well known and popular and having them run against Yahya meant the end of his reign. The people by now realized that Yahya and co were no 'soldiers with a difference' just another wannabe tyrants. This move essentially killed the competition and Yahya look set to rule another five years with no one to stand in his way; or so he thought.

With evidence mounting in front of keen eyes that Yahya was setting himself up to be a long term ruler, the alarm bells rang out loud. An unlikely candidate then emerged on the scene and a shadow loomed over Yahya’s ambition.  Lawyer Ousainou Darboe up to that time, was a lawyer and a well-known one at that; qualified and capable to lead the fight for the restoration of democracy became the rallying candidate for all the disenfranchised supporters of the old guard, both opposition and ousted ruling parties. He took the fight to Yahya Jammeh and the crowd that followed him was overwhelming and was large enough to deliver the win for the 1996 election, in fact he was widely acclaimed to have won those elections, but with the might of the military behind him open intimidation and rigging were used to deny the Gambian people their will. Ever since that close call, Lawyer Ousainou Darboe and the United Democratic Party (UDP) became targets to be neutralized. But such a move had to be covert and the laws would once again be doctored to favor Yahya. First, the banned politicians had their ban lifted, this move was to fracture the UDP because it was hoped the supporters of the banned parties and politicians will flock back to their parties and candidates. in a simple majority system, this tips the balance in favor of the APRC. The second move was the institution of age limits for any aspiring presidential candidate while eliminating term limits.

But a party as big as the UDP does not look personality centered, so all likely successors need to be purged out of the party; M.L. Shyngle Nyassi, Femi Peters (effective political strategists) were arrested, jailed and tortured on several occasions to instill fear into the party to no avail. Not so stoic or principled was Ousman Rambo Jatta, who became youth mobilizer but ended up switching allegiances for political favors.  Amadou Sanneh, qualified enough to replace Ousainou Darboe as party leader became a target and would eventually be jailed on frivolous charges beyond the electoral season, but the UDP just won’t die. So in typical military strongman style, he chose to show how far he would go to stop the UDP once and for all by arresting and torturing to death Solo Sandeng, the youth mobilizer of the party for being bold enough to speak up for electoral reform to ensure a level playing field.

When news of his death in custody emerged, Yahya knew that Ousainou Darboe and the UDP will not sit about and do nothing, and he was right. Being the leader that he was, Ousainou Darboe summoned his entire executive and held a press conference to alert the nation to the happenstances and what their response would be. They would emerge from that press conference, arm in arm marching towards the police station in which Solo Sandeng was reportedly taken to demand his release, chanting “We need Solo Sandeng; dead or alive.” Sure enough, Yahya and his oppressive machinery were waiting and the entire executive of the main opposition UDP were pounced upon and thrown in jail. This was in April 2016, and with elections due in December 2016, the court case was sure to drag past December. Delighted at his fait accompli, he was sure the UDP was dead and buried. Yet again, Yahya would be proven dead wrong.

It would seem he had underestimated the will and determination of Gambians in general, and the UDP in particular. What happened next will again shock Yahya to the core of his being, and rightly so. Solo Sandeng, was a martyr after all, and Yahya would wish he had never touched him or the UDP so heavy handedly.
This move drove a wedge between Yahya and the fence-sitting Gambians by exposing his oppressive nature in broad daylight to which Gambians are not accustomed, even those in denial, or claiming legality to shield his excesses, took a pause and had to rethink their position. The next move was unanticipated and would spell disaster and an end for Yahya and his cabal.

To be continued.....

Tuesday, January 10, 2017

Why Yahya Does Not Want To Leave


When a 29 year old army lieutanaunt and his cohorts stormed the Gambian national stage uninvited in 1994, the reason was to fulfill their oath to “defend the Gambia from enemies both domestic and foreign.” The PPP government of Sir Dawda Jawara that led The Gambia to independence in 1965 was that enemy within. They accused them of “rampant corruption and living flamboyant lifestyles.”
Thirty years they say was too long for anyone to be in power and so they came to rid the Gambia of corruption and bad governance. A day is a long time in politics it is said, but what two decades would come to reveal is the stuff of legends.

The self-styled “soldiers with a difference” set out to launch the Gambia into the modern age with a transition government built on Accountability, Transparency, and Probity.” The skeptics amongst the citizens who know what military governments mean doubted their claims; a bold face promise was made that “We will never introduce dictatorship in this country.” Evidence to the contrary we are all witness to.

What became clear was that Yahya Jammeh never wanted to leave power and immediately set about consolidating himself. The toughest challenge he’d have to contend with was the military, so he purged the army of officers and men who posed the greatest threat to his ambitious plan. November 11th, 1994 was the first such incidentf incidents to follow in a series.

Coming to power at a time when self-imposed governments were frowned upon the world over, he needed the Gambian populace on board with his transition plans to ensure that donor money is not entirely cut off. He pretended to bend to popular will when the National Consultative Committee was set up to gauge the feeling of the populace on the four year transition proposal they submitted, after which they promised to go back to the barracks. Popular will demanded two years, to which the council agreed, winning over a few more hearts by that show of seemingly genuine desire to vacate power. And so the population gave support and a helping hand in steering the affairs of state through the transition. Civilians filled up most of the cabinet positions, and so diplomatic tensions were eased a little more.

With this new found trust, he set his plans in motion to self-perpetuate and no one will stand in his way. The first show of defiance to the evil machinations of Yahya Jammeh and his council members was met with brute force; Ousman Koro Ceesay paid the ultimate price for refusing to agree to help pull the wool over the eye of the Gambians. Fellow council members; officers in the army and other security outfits; journalists; civil society organizations; politicians; lawyers; trade unions; student organizations; etc. all constitute elements of threat to his ambitious plan, so they had to be contained.

The Vice Chairman of the council, who it was said had a large force of loyalists in the army, was framed and jailed alongside the Spokesman for the Council, who’d later die under mysterious circumstances while in custody. His replacement, another army officer and currently one of the loudest mouths casting doubts in the minds of Gambians; Ebou Jallo, absconded with millions of dollars still unaccounted for. The army was thrown into disarray with new promotions, demotions, re-assignments and new positions, coup and counter coup accusations; suddenly job security became their primary concern.

Meantime, the clock was ticking on the two year mandate; a plan had to be devised. The plot to deceive the Gambian people enmass has to be perfected, and what better way than to put them to sleep while indoctrinating them, and what better tool to that effect than the TV – show and tell. And so GRTS was born. The first, and up to this day; only television station in The Gambia.

Steve Biko said; “The greatest weapon in the hand of the oppressor is the mind of the oppressed.”


In his pursuit of power and money, Yahya Jammeh will have to oppress the Gambians into submission. People purchased TV sets, eager to see their own on TV, they got glued to their TV sets; the perfect distraction.  Every project commissioning, every state visit, every farm visit, every weekend retreat, every birthday; GRTS was on hand to broadcast to an entranced audience. What they never showed was how much the national debt was building up and how much Yahya’s personal fortunes were growing by; the perfect cover. 

Up to this day GRTS serves no other purpose than to be Yahya’s mouthpiece, a propaganda bullhorn that reaches every household in the Gambia. Yahya Jammeh’s every move was televised, accompanied by pomp and fanfare, the people fell in love with their oppressor. Losing that personal fortune, and the exposure of the crimes (including killings) committed to amass it, that is what is at risk right now and that fear and uncertainty has brought out the serpent within, and he is ready to bite. 

The lady that composed the tune used on the campaign trail was indeed right…Yahya "wurata"!

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yON4IBO2uPY